{"id":612,"date":"2026-07-17T17:42:39","date_gmt":"2026-07-17T17:42:39","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/americanindustryreview.com\/?p=612"},"modified":"2026-07-17T17:42:39","modified_gmt":"2026-07-17T17:42:39","slug":"kids-online-safety-push-faces-first-amendment-hurdles","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/americanindustryreview.com\/?p=612","title":{"rendered":"Kids online safety push faces First Amendment hurdles"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

As Congress considers competing House and Senate proposals meant to protect kids online, lawmakers have only to look to their states to understand the challenges in seeking to regulate kids\u2019 social media usage\u00a0without running afoul of the First Amendment.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Read more Wrapup: Congress\u2019 July sprint off to a stumbling start<\/a><\/p>\n

States have already tried some of the same strategies Congress is considering, only to see those laws stopped by injunctions granted over free speech objections.<\/p>\n

At issue in many of the court conflicts over age verification laws is the definition of the social media platforms themselves, with courts determining that by making exceptions for certain websites, states have shown their hand in restricting speech based on its content and the people authoring it.<\/p>\n

Utah offers an example. Republican state Rep. Jordan Teuscher sponsored a law limiting design features that could cause minors to \u201chave an addiction\u201d to social media. He laid out the difficulty of drawing legislative lines around types of platforms.<\/p>\n

\u201cIf you look at a company like Roblox \u2026 is that a social media company?\u201d Teuscher said. \u201cWell, we certainly have seen harm that\u2019s being caused, but they don\u2019t interact in any way like a Facebook does.\u201d<\/p>\n

Teuscher\u2019s bill was eventually blocked by a preliminary injunction on the basis that its definition made the law a content-based speech restriction.<\/p>\n

Teuscher acknowledged that similar state laws often meet the same fate. He said he\u2019d like to see congressional action, despite recent verdicts against social media companies.<\/p>\n

\u201cWhether it\u2019s the legislation or the litigation that has done it, social media companies are putting in more controls and protections for kids, which is a good thing, but it\u2019s not enough,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n

Kate Ruane, director of the Center for Democracy and Technology\u2019s Free Expression Project, which advocates for speech protections online, said state laws would require age verification to access protected speech.<\/p>\n

\u201cThat is, in and of itself, a pretty big First Amendment problem, based on previous First Amendment cases, because it creates such a gigantic burden on access to constitutionally protected speech,\u201d she said.<\/p>\n

While many state laws require age verification by platforms, others require it at the app store level. The Supreme Court recently declined to intervene in the case of a Texas app store age law. That law remains in effect as it is considered by the district court.<\/p>\n

The House in June passed the bipartisan bill known as the Kids Internet and Digital Safety Act, or KIDS Act, which would require online platforms to put in place \u201creasonable policies\u201d to address certain harms to kids online.<\/p>\n

The House bill is a rival to a bipartisan Senate measure yet to be taken up, titled the Kids Online Safety Act, which would put a stronger \u201cduty of care\u201d on social media platforms to prevent harm to kids.<\/p>\n

[Related:\u00a0<\/strong><\/em>Kids online safety push clouded by House-Senate divide]<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n

States\u2019 attempts<\/h2>\n

Ruane said the two main congressional proposals are \u201cin conversation\u201d with state laws and bring up the same First Amendment questions.<\/p>\n

\u201cEverything from the state laws shows up in either the KIDS Act or the Senate version of KOSA,\u201d Ruane said, except for a full ban for kids on social media without parental consent.<\/p>\n

At a December hearing on an earlier version of the House legislation, Rep. Gus Bilirakis, R-Fla., said the committee was aware that state laws \u201cwith good intentions\u201d had been struck down on free speech grounds.<\/p>\n

\u201cWe are learning from those experiences, because a law that gets struck down in court does not protect a child,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n

Ruane said the KIDS Act\u2019s requirements for \u201creasonable policies\u201d are an attempt to respond to court decisions.<\/p>\n

The Senate bill, commonly referred to as KOSA, says that \u201ccovered platform\u201d means an \u201conline platform, online video game, messaging application, or video streaming service that connects to the internet and that is used, or is reasonably likely to be used, by a minor.\u201d<\/p>\n

But the definition makes exceptions, including for email and texting, as well as for news and sports sites whose video content is \u201crelated to the website or app\u2019s own gathering, reporting, or publishing\u201d of news or sports.<\/p>\n

Laws in Arkansas, Georgia, Louisiana, Nebraska and Virginia have all been struck down, in part based on similar definitions.<\/p>\n

Common exceptions include career development, online shopping, gaming and sites with non-user-generated content.<\/p>\n

Content-based carve-outs can reveal an intent to regulate particular big-name social media companies, Ruane said.<\/p>\n

\u201cThat could be one way that states wind up kind of revealing that these laws are really about sites that engage in particular kinds of conversations or particular types of content,\u201d she said.<\/p>\n

To courts, these exceptions frequently look like content- or speaker-based restrictions on speech, which make a law subject to a higher level of First Amendment scrutiny.<\/p>\n

Read more Trump\u2019s questionable claims cast doubt over midterms as Dems fret<\/a><\/p>\n

In issuing a preliminary injunction against Georgia\u2019s law, a federal district court wrote, \u201cThe Act\u2019s exhaustive list of exemptions \u2014 which, under this Court\u2019s plain reading, would exempt everything from The Atlanta Journal-Constitution to Barstool Sports to Discord\u201d showed that implementing the law required considering content.<\/p>\n

A federal district court in Arkansas made similar objections to that state\u2019s law, adding that an exception for non-user-generated content was a speaker-based distinction.<\/p>\n

\u201cThis privileges institutional content creators \u2014 movie and TV studios, mainstream media outlets, and traditional journalists \u2014 over the Soundcloud artist, the TikTok chef, and the citizen journalist,\u201d that court wrote.<\/p>\n

Eric Goldman, a professor at Santa Clara Law School focused on technology and internet law, highlighted the censorial impact of age minimums on social media.<\/p>\n

\u201cA ban on social media usage is both a restriction on consuming content, but it\u2019s also a restriction on sharing content,\u201d Goldman said. \u201cAnd that\u2019s censorship,\u201d he added.<\/p>\n

The House bill doesn\u2019t make carveouts for platforms dedicated to career development or news. Instead, it defines covered platforms based on the use of design features to promote engagement and of personal information to make content recommendations.<\/p>\n

The bill focuses on platforms whose \u201cprimary purpose\u201d is to facilitate \u201cthe sharing and access to user-generated content,\u201d which could draw the same speaker-based concern as the Arkansas law.<\/p>\n

Goldman said he disagrees with the premise of state social media laws and the ones moving through Congress: that social media is always harmful for children. He said that premise leads to \u201ccategorical regulatory errors.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cEfforts to restrict children from using social media might benefit some children and almost certainly will hurt other children,\u201d Goldman said.<\/p>\n

Parental consent<\/h2>\n

Content and speaker-based restrictions on speech trigger strict First Amendment scrutiny, a legal standard under which a law can only be constitutional if it serves a compelling government interest and is narrowly tailored.<\/p>\n

At the state level, courts have generally found that bills requiring parental consent to access social media don\u2019t meet that standard, including in Arkansas, Georgia, Louisiana, Nebraska and Virginia.<\/p>\n

A federal district judge in Louisiana said that under the state\u2019s law, one-time parental consent could give a minor access to even harmful content on a site, while lacking consent would block access to helpful speech.<\/p>\n

\u201cHe will not be able to seek homework help from a forum dedicated to mathematics,\u201d the court wrote.<\/p>\n

Some courts have also determined that parental consent is not the least restrictive means of protecting kids.<\/p>\n

In Virginia, the state told a district court that existing parental controls online aren\u2019t sufficient because parents weren\u2019t using them. The court determined that, \u201cVirginia could work with companies and launch advertising campaigns to ensure parents know how to use the current tools effectively.\u201d<\/p>\n

But not all courts agree that these types of laws are subject to, and fail to survive, strict scrutiny.<\/p>\n

In Florida, a district court ruled against the state law, determining that it did not survive intermediate scrutiny, a lower standard.<\/p>\n

An appeals court, on a 2-1 decision, agreed with the district court that the Florida law was not content-based, but disagreed on the tailoring of the law.<\/p>\n

The majority wrote that the state had tailored the law based on age, banning accounts for kids under 13 and requiring parental consent at 14 and 15.<\/p>\n

A similar process played out in Ohio, where the district and appeals courts agreed that the law was content-based. While the district court found the law to be too broad, the appeals court ruled, on a 2-1 decision, that Ohio\u2019s law survived strict scrutiny because the parental consent requirement was a \u201cmarginal burden.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cParental consent will not always be narrowly tailored to the compelling interest in protecting minors\u2019 wellbeing,\u201d the opinion said, adding that lack of supervision was part of the problem.<\/p>\n

Experts say state social media laws are likely to end up before the Supreme Court.<\/p>\n

Goldman said that while the court has ruled on age verification for online pornography, the decision was inconsistent on the criteria for allowing age verification and gave few clues to how the court could rule in the future.<\/p>\n

\u201cAs a result, legislatures are steaming ahead without any concern about the constitutional limits, and they\u2019re expecting the Supreme Court to answer that question at some point in the future,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n

Read more At the Races: Democratic aches in the Great Lakes<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

As Congress considers competing House and Senate proposals meant to protect kids online, lawmakers have only to look to their states to understand the challenges in seeking to regulate kids’ social media usage\u00a0without running afoul of the First Amendment.\u00a0 States have already tried some of the same strategies Congress is considering, only to see those […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":611,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[4],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-612","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-policy"],"yoast_head":"\nKids online safety push faces First Amendment hurdles - American Industry Review<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/americanindustryreview.com\/?p=612\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Kids online safety push faces First Amendment hurdles - 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